Mexico, Central America and the caribbean

The book, Victors and Vanquished: Spanish and Nahua Views of the Conquest of Mexico, made use of extracts from an report taken by Bernal Diaz in 1632 regarding the victory of the Spaniards. The book also made use of the statements made by the native Nahua survivors which were collected by Bernardino de Sahagun. The book showed how differences of opinion or biases as well as personal interests could play as a major factor in the interpretation of a particular event. Among the many strong points of the book is the fact that it gave its reader a broad assessment and analysis of the main sources which historians used when describing the events that occurred and the consequences that the conquest of Mexico had entailed.   The fact that Schwartz divided the book into two central sections is proof enough that he considered his readers to be primarily composed of students. The book had been divided into two separate sections, â€Å"Chronology of the Conquest of Tenochtitlan† and a helpful dictionary which tackles terms used by both the Spanish and the Nahua. Mexica is used as a reference to those people who have control of the Tenochititlan before the arrival of the Spaniards in 1519. Today’s modern day Mexico had been dominated by the Mexica and that is primarily the reason why the people they have conquered speaks their tongue, Nahuatl thus not all those who speaks the language of Nahuatl can be considered as a Mexica. But there are people living in the South (which we now refer to as Central America) who make use of some Mayan dialects in speaking. The Nahua’s are Native Americans who lives in Central and eastern Mexico. The first part of the book provided us with an introduction of the history of the Mesoamerica during the conquest. It also showed how diverse those Mesoamericans are during that time. Another important thing that the writer of the book considered is how the difference of ethnicity could affect a retelling of a particular history thus the author made use of the primary sources gathered by both Spanish as well as the indigenous people. Schwartz gave an illustration of the coming of the Mexica. He also described how the Mexica build their capital, Tenochtitlan. The book also showed in detail how bitter the relationship of the indigenous people is with their conquerors, the Mexica. It also offered a description of the character of those Spaniards conqueror that inhabited both the Caribbean and the Central America. Schwartz also showed how greatly the Spaniards differ from the Natives especially in recording important events on their history. The latter made use of hieroglyphic texts which are usually accompanied by dance, tales and songs. Schwartz also made it a point to show how different the stories presented by both sides in recounting the events that occurred during the conquest. It is very puzzling how the same event could be recounted differently, dependent on who is the teller of the said event. Schwartz said that the primary reason for this difference is the fact that both sides had their own interests they wish to preserve. Those interests includes a mixture of politics, personal as well as cultural things each side wish to protect. Schwartz analyzed the texts based on the reasons which motivated different writers into writing the event between the indigenous people and the Mexica. He showed some examples on which a particular author made his report not merely because he wants to recount the exact things which happened during that time, but rather because he that author wants to please a certain patron. There are other examples which showed that religion affected the retelling of the said events. It showed that there are people who tried to justify their joining of the conquest in terms of their religion, particularly that of the Roman Catholic Church. On one particular chapter on the book, Schwartz noted that Diaz Del Castillo (one of his primary sources) had made use of other sources on recounting the events which occurred on the massacre of Mexica aristocrats (Things Fall Apart). Another thing Schwartz pointed out is the fact that previous enemies of the Aztecs (Mexica) had written most of the Tlaxacallan accounts and thus these writers had been biased on their retelling because of their yearning for people to view the Mexica as despicable people. I would rather make use of the term conquest in defining the relationship between the Nahua and the Spaniards. I have made use of that particular term because that is exactly what happened between the Spaniards and the Nahua. The Spaniards gained the lands the Nahua previously had by conquering its people and everything that goes within it. I mean they did not acquire the land by buying them, did they? The term cultural exchange may also be appropriate in describing the relationship between the Spaniards and the Nahua because it is very common for the conquerors to make those people they have conquered adapt to their cultures. This is very evident on the fact that the indigenous people have learned the language of their conquerors and they are using it even up to now. This adaptation could occur because of the length of exposure they have had with each other and mostly because of cross-marriages. Also, as conquerors they would want their religion to be known worldwide and thus they have made use of their power in order to make the natives into Christians. One of the primary reasons the Spaniards have in justifying their conquest is to make the word of their God be known to all and thus it is no wonder that they have made use of their power in order to convert the people they have conquered into Christians. However, religion could be just a tactics the conquerors may have employed for some other ulterior motives which could either be gold or glory or a combination of both. As I have said the term conqueror would be more appropriate than the term cultural exchange because the change of culture is more predominant to the conquered rather than to the conquerors. Of course, the native may have had influenced their conquerors in one way or another but most of these conquerors views the indigenous people as inferior and thus they would not want these people to influence them in any way. Thus, it is possible that no real exchange of culture really occurred especially since the change of culture is expected only from the conquered. The Conquest of Mexico City could also be viewed as a war between Spaniards and Spaniards as well as between Natives American and the Native Americans. This is very evident that the recounting of this historical events vary not only between the Spaniards and the Natives, rather the stories of the Spaniards vary even among themselves and same things can be told between the Natives. These differences among themselves may have occurred because of their differences of interests. For the Natives for one, some of them have adapted completely with the terms required by their conquerors and they view their being conquered as a blessing thus they support the Spaniards wherein some Natives do not want the conquerors in their lands and they view the things done by the Spaniards as nothing but abused on the Natives and thus they would recount their tales in such a way that the Spaniards would look like a real villain. To conclude, I think that the book presented both sides of the story well in such a way that the author did his best in order not to pick sides. He recounted the Conquest in a manner which attempted to give his readers a good view to both sides of the parties involved. Thus, all in all, the book is an interesting read and it is very beneficial especially for those who want to gain knowledge about the Conquest of Mexico. Reference: Schwartz, Stuart B. Victors and the Vanquished: Spanish and Nahua Views of the Conquest of Mexico (2000). Bedford/St. Martin's, 2000.      

Angels Demons Chapter 89-92

89 War had broken out in St. Peter's Square. The piazza had exploded into a frenzy of aggression. Media trucks skidded into place like assault vehicles claiming beachheads. Reporters unfurled high-tech electronics like soldiers arming for battle. All around the perimeter of the square, networks jockeyed for position as they raced to erect the newest weapon in media wars – flat-screen displays. Flat-screen displays were enormous video screens that could be assembled on top of trucks or portable scaffolding. The screens served as a kind of billboard advertisement for the network, broadcasting that network's coverage and corporate logo like a drive-in movie. If a screen were well-situated – in front of the action, for example – a competing network could not shoot the story without including an advertisement for their competitor. The square was quickly becoming not only a multimedia extravaganza, but a frenzied public vigil. Onlookers poured in from all directions. Open space in the usually limitless square was fast becoming a valuable commodity. People clustered around the towering flat-screen displays, listening to live reports in stunned excitement. Only a hundred yards away, inside the thick walls of St. Peter's Basilica, the world was serene. Lieutenant Chartrand and three other guards moved through the darkness. Wearing their infrared goggles, they fanned out across the nave, swinging their detectors before them. The search of Vatican City's public access areas so far had yielded nothing. â€Å"Better remove your goggles up here,† the senior guard said. Chartrand was already doing it. They were nearing the Niche of the Palliums – the sunken area in the center of the basilica. It was lit by ninety-nine oil lamps, and the amplified infrared would have seared their eyes. Chartrand enjoyed being out of the heavy goggles, and he stretched his neck as they descended into the sunken niche to scan the area. The room was beautiful†¦ golden and glowing. He had not been down here yet. It seemed every day since Chartrand had arrived in Vatican City he had learned some new Vatican mystery. These oil lamps were one of them. There were exactly ninety-nine lamps burning at all times. It was tradition. The clergy vigilantly refilled the lamps with sacred oils such that no lamp ever burned out. It was said they would burn until the end of time. Or at least until midnight, Chartrand thought, feeling his mouth go dry again. Chartrand swung his detector over the oil lamps. Nothing hidden in here. He was not surprised; the canister, according to the video feed, was hidden in a dark area. As he moved across the niche, he came to a bulkhead grate covering a hole in the floor. The hole led to a steep and narrow stairway that went straight down. He had heard stories about what lay down there. Thankfully, they would not have to descend. Rocher's orders were clear. Search only the public access areas; ignore the white zones. â€Å"What's that smell?† he asked, turning away from the grate. The niche smelled intoxicatingly sweet. â€Å"Fumes from the lamps,† one of them replied. Chartrand was surprised. â€Å"Smells more like cologne than kerosene.† â€Å"It's not kerosene. These lamps are close to the papal altar, so they take a special, ambiental mixture – ethanol, sugar, butane, and perfume.† â€Å"Butane?† Chartrand eyed the lamps uneasily. The guard nodded. â€Å"Don't spill any. Smells like heaven, but burns like hell.† The guards had completed searching the Niche of the Palliums and were moving across the basilica again when their walkie-talkies went off. It was an update. The guards listened in shock. Apparently there were troubling new developments, which could not be shared on-air, but the camerlegno had decided to break tradition and enter conclave to address the cardinals. Never before in history had this been done. Then again, Chartrand realized, never before in history had the Vatican been sitting on what amounted to some sort of neoteric nuclear warhead. Chartrand felt comforted to know the camerlegno was taking control. The camerlegno was the person inside Vatican City for whom Chartrand held the most respect. Some of the guards thought of the camerlegno as a beato – a religious zealot whose love of God bordered on obsession – but even they agreed†¦ when it came to fighting the enemies of God, the camerlegno was the one man who would stand up and play hardball. The Swiss Guards had seen a lot of the camerlegno this week in preparation for conclave, and everyone had commented that the man seemed a bit rough around the edges, his verdant eyes a bit more intense than usual. Not surprisingly, they had all commented; not only was the camerlegno responsible for planning the sacred conclave, but he had to do it immediately on the heels of the loss of his mentor, the Pope. Chartrand had only been at the Vatican a few months when he heard the story of the bomb that blew up the camerlegno's mother before the kid's very eyes. A bomb in church†¦ and now it's happening all over again. Sadly, the authorities never caught the bastards who planted the bomb†¦ probably some anti-Christian hate group they said, and the case faded away. No wonder the camerlegno despised apathy. A couple months back, on a peaceful afternoon inside Vatican City, Chartrand had bumped into the camerlegno coming across the grounds. The camerlegno had apparently recognized Chartrand as a new guard and invited him to accompany him on a stroll. They had talked about nothing in particular, and the camerlegno made Chartrand feel immediately at home. â€Å"Father,† Chartrand said, â€Å"may I ask you a strange question?† The camerlegno smiled. â€Å"Only if I may give you a strange answer.† Chartrand laughed. â€Å"I have asked every priest I know, and I still don't understand.† â€Å"What troubles you?† The camerlegno led the way in short, quick strides, his frock kicking out in front of him as he walked. His black, crepe-sole shoes seemed befitting, Chartrand thought, like reflections of the man's essence†¦ modern but humble, and showing signs of wear. Chartrand took a deep breath. â€Å"I don't understand this omnipotent-benevolent thing.† The camerlegno smiled. â€Å"You've been reading Scripture.† â€Å"I try.† â€Å"You are confused because the Bible describes God as an omnipotent and benevolent deity.† â€Å"Exactly.† â€Å"Omnipotent-benevolent simply means that God is all-powerful and well-meaning.† â€Å"I understand the concept. It's just†¦ there seems to be a contradiction.† â€Å"Yes. The contradiction is pain. Man's starvation, war, sickness†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Exactly!† Chartrand knew the camerlegno would understand. â€Å"Terrible things happen in this world. Human tragedy seems like proof that God could not possibly be both all-powerful and well-meaning. If He loves us and has the power to change our situation, He would prevent our pain, wouldn't He?† The camerlegno frowned. â€Å"Would He?† Chartrand felt uneasy. Had he overstepped his bounds? Was this one of those religious questions you just didn't ask? â€Å"Well†¦ if God loves us, and He can protect us, He would have to. It seems He is either omnipotent and uncaring, or benevolent and powerless to help.† â€Å"Do you have children, Lieutenant?† Chartrand flushed. â€Å"No, signore.† â€Å"Imagine you had an eight-year-old son†¦ would you love him?† â€Å"Of course.† â€Å"Would you do everything in your power to prevent pain in his life?† â€Å"Of course.† â€Å"Would you let him skateboard?† Chartrand did a double take. The camerlegno always seemed oddly â€Å"in touch† for a clergyman. â€Å"Yeah, I guess,† Chartrand said. â€Å"Sure, I'd let him skateboard, but I'd tell him to be careful.† â€Å"So as this child's father, you would give him some basic, good advice and then let him go off and make his own mistakes?† â€Å"I wouldn't run behind him and mollycoddle him if that's what you mean.† â€Å"But what if he fell and skinned his knee?† â€Å"He would learn to be more careful.† The camerlegno smiled. â€Å"So although you have the power to interfere and prevent your child's pain, you would choose to show your love by letting him learn his own lessons?† â€Å"Of course. Pain is part of growing up. It's how we learn.† The camerlegno nodded. â€Å"Exactly.† 90 Langdon and Vittoria observed Piazza Barberini from the shadows of a small alleyway on the western corner. The church was opposite them, a hazy cupola emerging from a faint cluster of buildings across the square. The night had brought with it a welcome cool, and Langdon was surprised to find the square deserted. Above them, through open windows, blaring televisions reminded Langdon where everyone had disappeared to. â€Å"†¦ no comment yet from the Vatican†¦ Illuminati murders of two cardinals†¦ satanic presence in Rome†¦ speculation about further infiltration†¦Ã¢â‚¬  The news had spread like Nero's fire. Rome sat riveted, as did the rest of the world. Langdon wondered if they would really be able to stop this runaway train. As he scanned the piazza and waited, Langdon realized that despite the encroachment of modern buildings, the piazza still looked remarkably elliptical. High above, like some sort of modern shrine to a bygone hero, an enormous neon sign blinked on the roof of a luxurious hotel. Vittoria had already pointed it out to Langdon. The sign seemed eerily befitting. HOTEL BERNINI â€Å"Five of ten,† Vittoria said, cat eyes darting around the square. No sooner had she spoken the words than she grabbed Langdon's arm and pulled him back into the shadows. She motioned into the center of the square. Langdon followed her gaze. When he saw it, he stiffened. Crossing in front of them, beneath a street lamp, two dark figures appeared. Both were cloaked, their heads covered with dark mantles, the traditional black covering of Catholic widows. Langdon would have guessed they were women, but he couldn't be sure in the dark. One looked elderly and moved as if in pain, hunched over. The other, larger and stronger, was helping. â€Å"Give me the gun,† Vittoria said. â€Å"You can't just – â€Å" Fluid as a cat, Vittoria was in and out of his pocket once again. The gun glinted in her hand. Then, in absolute silence, as if her feet never touched the cobblestone, she was circling left in the shadows, arching across the square to approach the couple from the rear. Langdon stood transfixed as Vittoria disappeared. Then, swearing to himself, he hurried after her. The couple was moving slowly, and it was only a matter of half a minute before Langdon and Vittoria were positioned behind them, closing in from the rear. Vittoria concealed the gun beneath casually crossed arms in front of her, out of sight but accessible in a flash. She seemed to float faster and faster as the gap lessened, and Langdon battled to keep up. When his shoes scuffed a stone and sent it skittering, Vittoria shot him a sideways glare. But the couple did not seem to hear. They were talking. At thirty feet, Langdon could start to hear voices. No words. Just faint murmurings. Beside him, Vittoria moved faster with every step. Her arms loosened before her, the gun starting to peek out. Twenty feet. The voices were clearer – one much louder than the other. Angry. Ranting. Langdon sensed it was the voice of an old woman. Gruff. Androgynous. He strained to hear what she was saying, but another voice cut the night. â€Å"Mi scusi!† Vittoria's friendly tone lit the square like a torch. Langdon tensed as the cloaked couple stopped short and began to turn. Vittoria kept striding toward them, even faster now, on a collision course. They would have no time to react. Langdon realized his own feet had stopped moving. From behind, he saw Vittoria's arms loosening, her hand coming free, the gun swinging forward. Then, over her shoulder, he saw a face, lit now in the street lamp. The panic surged to his legs, and he lunged forward. â€Å"Vittoria, no!† Vittoria, however, seemed to exist a split second ahead of him. In a motion as swift as it was casual, Vittoria's arms were raised again, the gun disappearing as she clutched herself like a woman on a chilly night. Langdon stumbled to her side, almost colliding with the cloaked couple before them. â€Å"Buona sera,† Vittoria blurted, her voice startled with retreat. Langdon exhaled in relief. Two elderly women stood before them scowling out from beneath their mantles. One was so old she could barely stand. The other was helping her. Both clutched rosaries. They seemed confused by the sudden interruption. Vittoria smiled, although she looked shaken. â€Å"Dov'e la chiesa Santa Maria della Vittoria? Where is the Church of – â€Å" The two women motioned in unison to a bulky silhouette of a building on an inclined street from the direction they had come. â€Å"e la.† â€Å"Grazie,† Langdon said, putting his hands on Vittoria's shoulders and gently pulling her back. He couldn't believe they'd almost attacked a pair of old ladies. â€Å"Non si puo entrare,† one woman warned. â€Å"e chiusa temprano.† â€Å"Closed early?† Vittoria looked surprised. â€Å"Perche?† Both women explained at once. They sounded irate. Langdon understood only parts of the grumbling Italian. Apparently, the women had been inside the church fifteen minutes ago praying for the Vatican in its time of need, when some man had appeared and told them the church was closing early. â€Å"Hanno conosciuto l'uomo?† Vittoria demanded, sounding tense. â€Å"Did you know the man?† The women shook their heads. The man was a straniero crudo, they explained, and he had forcibly made everyone inside leave, even the young priest and janitor, who said they were calling the police. But the intruder had only laughed, telling them to be sure the police brought cameras. Cameras? Langdon wondered. The women clucked angrily and called the man a bar-rabo. Then, grumbling, they continued on their way. â€Å"Bar-rabo?† Langdon asked Vittoria. â€Å"A barbarian?† Vittoria looked suddenly taut. â€Å"Not quite. Bar-rabo is derogatory wordplay. It means rabo†¦ Arab.† Langdon felt a shiver and turned toward the outline of the church. As he did, his eyes glimpsed something in the church's stained-glass windows. The image shot dread through his body. Unaware, Vittoria removed her cell phone and pressed the auto dial. â€Å"I'm warning Olivetti.† Speechless, Langdon reached out and touched her arm. With a tremulous hand, he pointed to the church. Vittoria let out a gasp. Inside the building, glowing like evil eyes through the stained-glass windows†¦ shone the growing flash of flames. 91 Langdon and Vittoria dashed to the main entrance of the church of Santa Maria della Vittoria and found the wooden door locked. Vittoria fired three shots from Olivetti's semi-automatic into the ancient bolt, and it shattered. The church had no anteroom, so the entirety of the sanctuary spread out in one gasping sweep as Langdon and Vittoria threw open the main door. The scene before them was so unexpected, so bizarre, that Langdon had to close his eyes and reopen them before his mind could take it all in. The church was lavish baroque†¦ gilded walls and altars. Dead center of the sanctuary, beneath the main cupola, wooden pews had been stacked high and were now ablaze in some sort of epic funeral pyre. A bonfire shooting high into the dome. As Langdon's eyes followed the inferno upward, the true horror of the scene descended like a bird of prey. High overhead, from the left and right sides of the ceiling, hung two incensor cables – lines used for swinging frankincense vessels above the congregation. These lines, however, carried no incensors now. Nor were they swinging. They had been used for something else†¦ Suspended from the cables was a human being. A naked man. Each wrist had been connected to an opposing cable, and he had been hoisted almost to the point of being torn apart. His arms were outstretched in a spread-eagle as if he were nailed to some sort of invisible crucifix hovering within the house of God. Langdon felt paralyzed as he stared upward. A moment later, he witnessed the final abomination. The old man was alive, and he raised his head. A pair of terrified eyes gazed down in a silent plea for help. On the man's chest was a scorched emblem. He had been branded. Langdon could not see it clearly, but he had little doubt what the marking said. As the flames climbed higher, lapping at the man's feet, the victim let out a cry of pain, his body trembling. As if ignited by some unseen force, Langdon felt his body suddenly in motion, dashing down the main aisle toward the conflagration. His lungs filled with smoke as he closed in. Ten feet from the inferno, at a full sprint, Langdon hit a wall of heat. The skin on his face singed, and he fell back, shielding his eyes and landing hard on the marble floor. Staggering upright, he pressed forward again, hands raised in protection. Instantly he knew. The fire was far too hot. Moving back again, he scanned the chapel walls. A heavy tapestry, he thought. If I can somehow smother the†¦ But he knew a tapestry was not to be found. This is a baroque chapel, Robert, not some damn German castle! Think! He forced his eyes back to the suspended man. High above, smoke and flames swirled in the cupola. The incensor cables stretched outward from the man's wrists, rising to the ceiling where they passed through pulleys, and descended again to metal cleats on either side of the church. Langdon looked over at one of the cleats. It was high on the wall, but he knew if he could get to it and loosen one of the lines, the tension would slacken and the man would swing wide of the fire. A sudden surge of flames crackled higher, and Langdon heard a piercing scream from above. The skin on the man's feet was starting to blister. The cardinal was being roasted alive. Langdon fixed his sights on the cleat and ran for it. In the rear of the church, Vittoria clutched the back of a pew, trying to gather her senses. The image overhead was horrid. She forced her eyes away. Do something! She wondered where Olivetti was. Had he seen the Hassassin? Had he caught him? Where were they now? Vittoria moved forward to help Langdon, but as she did, a sound stopped her. The crackling of the flames was getting louder by the instant, but a second sound also cut the air. A metallic vibration. Nearby. The repetitive pulse seemed to emanate from the end of the pews to her left. It was a stark rattle, like the ringing of a phone, but stony and hard. She clutched the gun firmly and moved down the row of pews. The sound grew louder. On. Off. A recurrent vibration. As she approached the end of the aisle, she sensed the sound was coming from the floor just around the corner at the end of the pews. As she moved forward, gun outstretched in her right hand, she realized she was also holding something in her left hand – her cell phone. In her panic she had forgotten that outside she had used it to dial the commander†¦ setting off his phone's silent vibration feature as a warning. Vittoria raised her phone to her ear. It was still ringing. The commander had never answered. Suddenly, with rising fear, Vittoria sensed she knew what was making the sound. She stepped forward, trembling. The entire church seemed to sink beneath her feet as her eyes met the lifeless form on the floor. No stream of liquid flowed from the body. No signs of violence tattooed the flesh. There was only the fearful geometry of the commander's head†¦ torqued backward, twisted 180 degrees in the wrong direction. Vittoria fought the images of her own father's mangled body. The phone on the commander's belt lay against the floor, vibrating over and over against the cold marble. Vittoria hung up her own phone, and the ringing stopped. In the silence, Vittoria heard a new sound. A breathing in the dark directly behind her. She started to spin, gun raised, but she knew she was too late. A laser beam of heat screamed from the top of her skull to the soles of her feet as the killer's elbow crashed down on the back of her neck. â€Å"Now you are mine,† a voice said. Then, everything went black. Across the sanctuary, on the left lateral wall, Langdon balanced atop a pew and scraped upward on the wall trying to reach the cleat. The cable was still six feet above his head. Cleats like these were common in churches and were placed high to prevent tampering. Langdon knew priests used wooden ladders called piuli to access the cleats. The killer had obviously used the church's ladder to hoist his victim. So where the hell is the ladder now! Langdon looked down, searching the floor around him. He had a faint recollection of seeing a ladder in here somewhere. But where? A moment later his heart sank. He realized where he had seen it. He turned toward the raging fire. Sure enough, the ladder was high atop the blaze, engulfed in flames. Filled now with desperation, Langdon scanned the entire church from his raised platform, looking for anything at all that could help him reach the cleat. As his eyes probed the church, he had a sudden realization. Where the hell is Vittoria? She had disappeared. Did she go for help? Langdon screamed out her name, but there was no response. And where is Olivetti? There was a howl of pain from above, and Langdon sensed he was already too late. As his eyes went skyward again and saw the slowly roasting victim, Langdon had thoughts for only one thing. Water. Lots of it. Put out the fire. At least lower the flames.† I need water, damn it!† he yelled out loud. â€Å"That's next,† a voice growled from the back of the church. Langdon wheeled, almost falling off the pews. Striding up the side aisle directly toward him came a dark monster of a man. Even in the glow of the fire, his eyes burned black. Langdon recognized the gun in his hand as the one from his own jacket pocket†¦ the one Vittoria had been carrying when they came in. The sudden wave of panic that rose in Langdon was a frenzy of disjunct fears. His initial instinct was for Vittoria. What had this animal done to her? Was she hurt? Or worse? In the same instant, Langdon realized the man overhead was screaming louder. The cardinal would die. Helping him now was impossible. Then, as the Hassassin leveled the gun at Langdon's chest, Langdon's panic turned inward, his senses on overload. He reacted on instinct as the shot went off. Launching off the bench, Langdon sailed arms first over the sea of church pews. When he hit the pews, he hit harder than he had imagined, immediately rolling to the floor. The marble cushioned his fall with all the grace of cold steel. Footsteps closed to his right. Langdon turned his body toward the front of the church and began scrambling for his life beneath the pews. High above the chapel floor, Cardinal Guidera endured his last torturous moments of consciousness. As he looked down the length of his naked body, he saw the skin on his legs begin to blister and peel away. I am in hell, he decided. God, why hast thou forsaken me? He knew this must be hell because he was looking at the brand on his chest upside down†¦ and yet, as if by the devil's magic, the word made perfect sense. Angels & Demons 92 Three ballotings. No Pope. Inside the Sistine Chapel, Cardinal Mortati had begun praying for a miracle. Send us the candidates! The delay had gone long enough. A single missing candidate, Mortati could understand. But all four? It left no options. Under these conditions, achieving a two-thirds majority would take an act of God Himself. When the bolts on the outer door began to grind open, Mortati and the entire College of Cardinals wheeled in unison toward the entrance. Mortati knew this unsealing could mean only one thing. By law, the chapel door could only be unsealed for two reasons – to remove the very ill, or to admit late cardinals. The preferiti are coming! Mortati's heart soared. Conclave had been saved. But when the door opened, the gasp that echoed through the chapel was not one of joy. Mortati stared in incredulous shock as the man walked in. For the first time in Vatican history, a camerlegno had just crossed the sacred threshold of conclave after sealing the doors. What is he thinking! The camerlegno strode to the altar and turned to address the thunderstruck audience. â€Å"Signori,† he said, â€Å"I have waited as long as I can. There is something you have a right to know.†

The Rule of Self-Reliance in the Nineteenth Century Literature Essay

The Rule of Self-Reliance in the Nineteenth Century Literature - Essay Example The paper will discuss four points: an emphasis on interrelationships, separation of self-sufficiency from isolation, and solitude from loneliness, and the authors’ implication of preserving individuality. Humanity is said to be interconnected with one another, but in the nineteenth century, many of literary works have secluded this concept and embraced self-reliance. Thoreau, Emerson, and Douglass are some of those who have triggered the mindset of readers that self-reliance is not a hindrance to manhood. Starting with Thoreau, his line, â€Å"be sure that you give the poor the aid they most need† (Thoreau 61), suggests that everyone should help those in need. Walden by Thoreau clearly states his life lessons wherein he implies that despite self-reliance, people still need each other (Fletcher-Spear 59). From this point, it can be said that people need each other to survive. Also, a line from Emerson’s Self-Reliance depicts that one â€Å"cannot be happy and st rong until he too lives with nature† (Emerson 11). This is one of his most spiritually satisfying lines implicating that everyone is interconnected and interrelated (Gowler 76). With this in mind, Emerson tends to emphasize that happiness is unattainable unless people never understand that life must be lived alone. Furthermore, Douglass also embedded such a notion in a line in his Narrative stating that if only every master would teach his or her slave how to read â€Å"he would at once become†¦no value to his master† (Douglass 107). What Douglass tries to implicate is that education, literacy, and reason are significant for slaves who strive for emancipation and their masters can be the sole provider of such needs (Kohn 499; Radloff 84). From his piece, he emphasizes that even less-fortunate people in this world, such as slaves, and their respective masters have interrelationships, either it may be for the good of both, or for the benefit of only one party. Altoge ther, the three authors have unique approaches on emphasizing the interrelationships of individuals based on their experiences. Their principles clearly suggest that there is really no man in an island, and everyone needs one another in order to survive. In terms of self-sufficiency and isolation, from this line, â€Å"I lived alone†¦in a house which I had built myself† (Thoreau 5), Thoreau implies self-sufficiency as he can live without the help of anybody, and he separated the idea of isolation from using another line, â€Å"...in my neighborhood† (Thoreau 17). Thoreau emphasizes that self-sufficiency can be seen from living in isolation, but he separated the idea of isolation as he depicted that his neighbors live far from his location and the idea of self-sufficiency as he can construct his own house without the help of his neighbors. In this respect, Thoreau’s practical approach clearly separates self-sufficiency from isolation by means of being practi cal (qtd. in Bodily 213). Also, Emerson’s line, â€Å"a man is to carry himself in the presence of all opposition† (Emerson 4) depicts a clear division of self-sufficiency from isolation because he depicted nothing about being isolated; instead, he implied an optimistic perception that one can stand alone even if others attempt to oppose (Gowler 76). Emerson tends to imply that self-sufficiency can be referred to standing in one’s own principles even if others oppose--this opposition is an exemplary of

Literature Review Examining the Impact of Oil Resources Availability Essay

Literature Review Examining the Impact of Oil Resources Availability on Economic Growth in An Oil-Based Economy with reference to Saudi Arabia - Essay Example the case of Saudi Arabia, the availability of rich oil resources has brought untold affluence to this tiny nation, however despite this, economic growth has been slow since the eighties and there has been increasing unemployment, with the unemployment rate among young Saudis estimated to be between 8 to 13 percent. The question of how such a situation could have developed in a country rich in natural oil resources is examined below. The Petroleum Sector in Saudi Arabia comprises roughly 75% of budget revenues, 45% of its GDP and 90% of its export earnings (www.e.wikipedia.org). Saudi oil reserves are estimated to be the largest in the world – about 260 billion barrels - and the country is the world’s largest exporter, with oil comprising 95% of the country’s exports and almost 75% of government revenues (www.en.wikipedia.org). In view of the country’s heavy dependence on oil, the Government has recently begun to encourage more development in the private sector, including in the power generation and telecom sectors. Saudi Arabia has also joined the WTO in 2005, in order to enhance its trading, diversify its economy and attract a higher proportion of foreign investment. The Government has also been spending larger amounts on infrastructure development, job training and education. Oil was first discovered in Saudi Arabia in the 1930’s, by U.S. geologists. Oil production in Saudi Arabia soared in the 60s and gave rise to a period of strong economic development which continued into the 1970s.(www.en.wikipedia.org). During the Seventies, there was an oil boom and the Gross Domestic Product per capita of Saudi Arabia soared, reaching a figure of 1,858%, however such growth was unsustainable and shrank to 58% in the eighties, although it has registered a 20% increase in the nineties.(www.earthtrends.wri.org) Most of the oil in the country is produced on behalf of the Saudi Government by a single Company, Saudi ARAMCO. After the 1973 Arab Israeli war, there

Over 30 Workers Trapped After Chilean Copper Mine Collapse Essay

Over 30 Workers Trapped After Chilean Copper Mine Collapse - Essay Example Information is powerful. It can have devastating effects if it is not handled with the necessary caution. In the case of the collapsed Chilean mine, the people involved had diversity, (O’Rourke, 2010). They happened to come from different backgrounds, beliefs and culture. This means they receive information differently. Some can become extremely frightened the mere thought that their loved ones, friends and relatives might die (BBC news, 2010). The company had to bear a lot with this disaster that took place. This involved keeping the families of the miners calm and fully assured that their interests are going to be taken care of. This had to be a message of hope and patience against a precise enthusiastic mainstream media which presented raw information to the audience. The employees too were totally scared of losing their colleagues. They were expecting an exceptionally strong assurance from the mining company, as well. This left the copper mining company with the responsibility of knowing how to regulate the release of communication and how much information to release to both the relatives and the employees. The company needed to establish communication between families and the employees. The families needed to know whether their relatives handled enough food and other resources. They needed someone to assure them that enough was being done to rescue them, (BBC news, and 2010). At the same time, they wanted commitment b y the company that all of their relatives would be rescued alive. The company needed to sound more convincing that the mainstream media. This is because the media did was doing sensational reporting without paying much attention to the plight of families and employees. The media were also looking for whom to blame which deed little to address the need of the families. The company needed to communicate with the relatives of the tapped employees, detailing how it was going to meet the needs of the trapped copper

Comparing Income Statements From Different Industries Essay

Comparing Income Statements From Different Industries - Essay Example erent companies include different factors in their income statements, but on a general node there is basic information and format expressing company’s financial status for a particular business year. There are three major sections of an income statement, one describing incomes, second is cost of goods (expenses) and third projecting depreciations, taxes and interests. Here is a view of income statements taken from four different companies which operate in four different sectors: For the fiscal year 2010-2011, Ford Motors Company progressed to quite a great extent from the year 2009-2010. The income statement projected that the company had 17% gross profit margin out of the total revenue at the end of the business year 2011. Even having intensive liabilities, the company generated more profits with respect to the previous fiscal year (Ford Motor Company, 2012). With 514 stores operating in five different States, Winn-Dixie at the end of year 2010-2011 projected gross profit margin $28.9 million which was unexpectedly less than the fiscal year 2010. The gross profit margin of the company for 2011 was 27 % of the total revenue slightly less than the year 2010, which showed natural sales decrease within entire market segment. For the fiscal year 2010-2011, Johnson and Johnson a leading pharmaceutical company showed potential revenue and profit margins. The company projected net profit margins of 15% with gross profits of 64 % of the total revenue in its annual income statement 2011 (Bloomberg, 2012). According to company’s annual report 2011, Lenovo group expresses the gross profit margin 11% of total revenue. It is one of the leading companies in the technology sector which generates conventional profits in the technology market segment (Buffett & Clark, 2008). By comparing the income statements of all four companies, it can be said that companies differ to a great extent in respect of product and services they offer. An automobile company is totally

A Rose for Emily by William Falkner Research Paper

A Rose for Emily by William Falkner - Research Paper Example He also won the Pulitzer Prize for â€Å"Fable† and â€Å"The Reivers†. Faulkner started writing for material gains as he did not belong to a wealthy family he struggled his way through hard work and voracious reading. Skills of writing can be learnt but ways to pore your thoughts into words can be a gift from God. Faulkner depicted the social and moral connections between present and past. Most of his stories have an element of southern culture or link themselves to ethical aspects. As he was a survivor, witness and victim of world war, he portrayed his stories with the background of civil war and slavery. His books always had a flare of southern element in them. Faulkner’s stories contained the tragic part more sturdily than the adequate ending. He was a firm believer of southern values. Due to change in socio economical conditions people began to adapt them. Faulkner however wasn’t convinced to see the fall of those values exchanged by the new ones. The passion and never ending energy through which Faulkner wrote without financial security in the era of depressing war, his series of achievements contain As I lay dying, Light in August, Absalom, Absalom.(John) A rose for Emily, written by William Faulkner, tells the life story of a woman who had gone through complicated phases of life which she had to endure.(William) She showed acceptance in her youth to accept norms and customs taught by his father but after maturity she practiced the same values showing none flexible attitude to change and to accept change as large. Emily represented the resistance of decayingold southern values. The story mainly revolves around one character Emily Grierson, a young lady who lived all her life with her father. Her father was a proud man who believed that he was higher in status and superior to all the people in town, endowing the same beliefs to his daughter. The world of Emily revolved around her father and she was shattered when he died and sh e went into solitude. The town’s people felt sorry for her after the death of her father. They were curious about her way of living and they kept a close watch on Emily. â€Å"When Miss Emily Grierson died, our whole town went to her funeral: the men through a sort of respectful affection for a fallen monument, the women mostly out of curiosity to see the inside of her house, which no one save an old man-servant—a combined gardener and cook—had seen in at least ten years.†(Faulkner.) She again suffered a major blow when she got close to a newcomer in town known as Homer Borron who refused to marry her. But she found out her own way to deal with the situation and poisoned him and kept his body with her for thirty years. This was discovered in the end when she died and his body was found in her house. This shows her psychologically disturbed inclination towards past and the dead. Even if her father’s overpowering control over her beliefs and ideology or her isolation after his death causes this inclination, it was clearly a pathological scenario. The story â€Å"A Rose for Emily† presents Emily as a very stubborn lady who lives her life in her own way and finds her own ways to deal with situations. She constructs her own modes and methods to lead her life and does not care about the restrictions of society. This can be seen when Emily refuses to pay the taxes â€Å"

Sociology Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Sociology - Assignment Example Danish society has basically laid down the right foundation in caring for the elderly by imposing that the spouse is most responsible for the care of the aging partner. This is even supported by legislation and decreed that only the elder child within the household can assist the aging parent. By doing so, society is transformed in its view of the family – that is a permanent institution and members are obliged to fulfill such roles. Young people wanting to get married would think if they can really perform the roles their spouse need from them until old age. As for the Danish home care policy, it is a good working model of a society that has planned for its elderly citizens. In comparison with the United States, it cannot conceive and implement such policies since the healthcare system alone is in a mess. The Danish policy has long been planned and executed by the government which is a reflection of their priorities – healthcare. Since America is extremely preoccupied with external issues , it cannot sort out its own affairs and render good service to its citizens. The chapter about Muslim Iranians is also an interesting read since it presents how a minor culture ( Iranian )tries to assimilate to a more dominant one ( American). Growing old in another country like the case of Iranian seniors in California is quite stressful since psychological adjustment has to be made in order to fit in the host society. As mentioned in the text, â€Å"depression, loneliness, loss of sense of community â€Å"(p.304) affect the elderly. It is for this reason then that while still young, people begin to build their social networks. Nevertheless, the case of Babi is quite different as she had successfully assimilated in the American culture and had even found a new love. It is not luck that made her enjoy her golden years but her attitude to overcome the transcending scripts of culture that women should be just at home. However, it cannot be denied that

Teresa of Avila Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

Teresa of Avila - Essay Example Religious and political turbulence was everywhere; Europe was a dangerous place. That one single woman who could easily been accuses of witchcraft but for being under the protection of the Church could have made so many changes in the Carmelite Order which would have far-reaching effects even into the 21st Century is nearly a miracle in itself. What makes Teresa's life even more fascinating is the fine mind she harbored, honed and disciplined with extraordinary introspection. From her autobiography, it is clear that Teresa was rather bull-headed even at a young age. She was creative, intelligent and active; many of the ingredients for engagement of troublemaking, in which she indulged for a while, much to her later dismay. She loved books, especially those based upon saints and martyrs, which were plentiful in her house, being regularly read by her father. She developed such a passion for these stories that once, around age six or seven, she and her brother Roderigo plotted to run away to be beheaded by the Moorish people so that they could be martyred. This plan was interrupted when a family member intercepted them and brought them home. Going the other imaginative route, Teresa and her playmates engaged in building little nunneries in the garden and Teresa dreamed of being in charge of one. She later admits, though, that to actually be a nun wasn't the main goal. The death of her mother dealt a blow to a 14 year old Teresa; when she was able to comprehend the loss of her mother and what it meant, she took herself to a statue of the Holy Mother and uttered a tearful, heartfelt prayer asking the Virgin to be her mother. It would appear that these are the beginnings of an extraordinary life for a girl born in the 16th Century of Spain, where two options for women existed: arranged marriage or the convent. Early on, Teresa was well aware of her impending future and didn't care for either choice, but after a period of time engaging in typical teenage less than desirable behaviour, she was sent to an Augustinian convent school by her father, where she could mend her ways and get educated. While she immensely enjoyed the company of the good nuns, Teresa still didn't want to become one. She did, however, learn how to engage in meaningful prayer and focus on goodness and devotion to God. She was decidedly happier in the convent than in her father's house, but inwardly she still didn't love God as much as she loved her father. It appears that Teresa did not easily change her loyalties under peer pressure even then. The iron will was beginning to take form; maturity would have to catch up with it. After a year and a half in the convent, Teresa fell ill, and was taken to her sister's house in Catellanos to recover. This was a pivotal time for her, as she was forced into rest and prayer, developing the traits that would serve her so well in future tribulations. It was during this period of recovery that Teresa began reading the letters of St. Jerome (b. approx 335, died 420). Before we

The Early Explorers Journals Essay Example for Free

The Early Explorers Journals Essay Christopher Columbus and Samuel de Champlain were two of the most influential explorers in the history of the Americas. Columbus discovered the area near Caribbean Islands while Champlain explored the St. Lawrence Seaway. Their journals were very similar in the way they described what the two explorers saw. Yet they have some differences as well. There are some small differences that these two works carry. Columbus starts out each entry with the day that it began on. Like in the following passage, Monday Nov. 12th. They sailed from the port of the river (114). Champlain did not do it this way he simply stated facts from day to day. The way he writes it is like he is telling a story while Columbus is giving detailed information. The reason this was done may have something to do with the rulers that these two men were under. Columbus had to keep a detailed record for the ruler of Spain at the time. Champlain may not have had to do this being as Jacques Cartier had led an expedition through the same area for the French a few years earlier. The background of these two explorers definitely showed up in these journals. The two different time periods that Columbus and Champlain lived in also had an effect on their style of writing. Columbus expedition was around the time of 1492-1493, while Champlains was almost two hundred years later in 1608-1612. Columbus had to deal with a lot of natives in the West Indies that could not speak their native language. These natives also looked as the men of Columbus crew as gods sent from heaven. Champlain did not have it so easy. He had to deal with the Native American tribes of the great lakes area. These tribes, such as the Iroquois and the Huron, were sometimes not the best people to have to deal with. The Iroquois especially were not very friendly to the members of Champlains group. They were enemies of the Huron and the Huron were allies of the French. Before Champlain had to do battle with the Iroquois Columbus was worshiped by the natives of what is now present-day Cuba. He was able to give them glass beads in exchange for some very important items for his expedition. He was  able to get water and spices for the small glass beads. He was of course looking for what every Spanish explorer who sought out the natives of present day South America was looking for, gold. These two different journals were not all different however. They did have some similarities. In fact they have more in common than they have different from each other. The way nature is described in each journal is very similar. Columbus uses a very poetic style to describe the flora and fauna that he saw on his travels. Columbus describes the birds and trees that he sees in the tropical region very eloquently. Champlain uses this style as well to describe the nature that he saw along the St. Lawrence. He uses the same style in describing the forests and the deer that he encountered on his trip. This is just one of the many similarities that each journal has though. Besides the obvious comparison of sharing chronological time they share a same purpose. They were both meant to tell of their journeys. They tell them in a different way, but regardless they still tell of them. Columbus tells of his journeys through the Americas so that we may have an understanding of what he and his crew did during 1492. Champlain kept his for basically the same reason. These stories obviously became and vital piece of history. These stories also had another aspect in common; each man shared in some kind of a hardship. Columbus, in the Narrative of the Third Voyage talks about having a hard time getting to America. Champlain had an even rougher time in his second story. Champlain talks about being lost in the woods after hunting a bird that he followed. He gets lost and has to go through quite an ordeal to get back. Columbus also had many hardships to go through. He describes being stuck in a terrible place to be caught while sailing. The place he describes has not very much wind, it was very hot, and full of seaweed. These two definitely went through some tough times. Samuel de Champlain and Christopher Columbus wrote two very spectacular journals. They kept them perfectly and help the world see what exactly they  went through in their travels. Each of these men was an obviously very important figure, without Columbus who knows what would have happened in the Americas. Champlain also helped chart the area around the great lakes that was dominated by Native Americans at the time. Their journals should obviously be considered a vital piece of American Literature.

Risk Management at the Olympic Games

Risk Management at the Olympic Games Strategising to Moderate Risk at Mega Events: the case of Olympic Games Abstract The management of risk at mega events is the focus of this dissertation. The framework for criticality of risk areas is identified through a literature review in the chosen domain of Olympics as an instance of mega events. The study looks at different areas of risk and examines assertions made in online archived articles in the public domain. The dissertation uses web based archival resources to acquire such articles using judgmental sampling. Content analysis is the method of analyses complemented by analysis of variance and correlation analysis. Reflecting on discussion on risk, and on the orientation of shortcomings and prescriptions in articles used as data -is the empirical basis for the study. The implications emphasize a greater role for the host city communities the risk and benefits are central to minimizing risks in planning and implementation. The importance of such moderation in alliancing and orientation is also found to be beneficial for the organizers of mega events. The study is limited in scope due to sample size and accessibility issues but delivers to the two research questions it is based on, draws out key implications for risk management, and also, reflects on the Games themselves as sequential settings that belong to a larger set of mega events. Such events due to their sequential nature of occurrence- have tremendous opportunity to learn for performance improvement. Preface This study has been helped tremendously by online portals as data sources especially Highbeam.com, and also, the House of Commons Committee of Public Accounts reports to do with Olympic Games. Guidance and orientation received from the University have been very helpful in organizing this study. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to friends and family for their co-operation during my busy days while conducting this study. Chapter 1. Introduction 1.1 Background Since the decision for revival of the Olympic movement at the behest of Baron Pierre de Coubertin in Sorbonne, in Paris in 1894, the Olympic movement has come a long way. After nearly fifteen hundred years the first games in Athens were held in 1896. The chronology has come a full circle with the Athens Games on 2004. Over this time frame the Olympic movement is a signifier of prestige and also political clout. However, as with all forms of growth and maturity in a continuously changing world problems and issues have reshaped time and again to challenge the smooth execution of Olympic Games and their perception in minds of the global audience whether it be the public or the governments or also, the sportsperson and organisers. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) has made sure through instruments, producers, rules and routines that it controls the aspects of these mega events – the primary focus being to maintain them not only as the top sporting event but also ‘the ’ mega-event that has no comparable competitor (Hill, 1992). This mandate of size, scope and ambition brings with it an ever more complex environment. The risk of poor performance is associated with such complexity that is difficult to understand and distil into delivery concerns. The internal facets not withstanding, constant challenges like the unpredictability but at the same time likelihood and associated concern of events such as acts of terrorism compound the interface with externalities. The impact of the socio-economic frame of reference at Game sites, the expectations of the IOC and other stakeholders on the reputation and legacy front et al., provide a platter that has a risk quotient attached to every aspect. The management of this risk is critical to carry the movement forward as a successful global phenomenon that brings together people in a fulfilling manner driven by healthy sporting camaraderie. This dissertation examines risk areas in Olympic Games with an objective to arrive at a risk framework and then derive the relative importance of different risk areas. Using evidence from published sources it also tries to contextualize shortcomings in management of such risk and potential solutions that can help moderate risk. In this frame of reference, the dissertation makes an implicit case for contextualizing and assessing learning from past experience, and the shape of the current schema of risk management for London Olympics, 2012. 1.2 Research Questions The central research questions that drive this study are as follows: 1. What is the relative critically of areas of risk that are associated with the Olympic Games? 2. What are the shortcomings in existing ways of managing risks? How can these shortcomings be addressed? 1.3 Dissertation Outline This chapter sets the mandate for the study and is followed by a literature review that looks at risk from a mega event perspective and in context of Olympic games in particular. The third chapter outlines the approach and methodology for this dissertation. Among other aspects of data and sample selection it provides a perspective of textual analysis and other allied techniques used for interpreting the same. The fourth chapter presents the research findings under different research questions. A relative criticality of risk areas based on the risk framework /typology in the literature review section is arrived at. The orientation of shortcomings and recommendations in the sample articles is also presented. The findings are then taken forward to a research discussion chapter where the implications of the findings are taken forward for Olympic Games as a case of mega events. The dissertation concludes by providing a snapshot of study achievements, limitations of the study, and leads for future research. Chapter 2. Literature Review 2.1. Introduction ‘Mega-events’ are way for cities, nations and economies to further their development agendas. Olympic Games no doubt belong to this fold of events and probably the most significant of them all. The reputational and economic effects on cities of hosting the Games have been well-documented (e.g., Andranovich, Burbank Heying, 2001; Miyazaki Morgan, 2001). However, there is much more work to be done in scoping the risk that is associated with these games. Aside from the fiscal debacle of the Montreal Olympics, right from the onset of the modern Olympics, critical situations have afflicted the games. Political factors have had a role to play with the Nazi bandwagon riding the 1936 Olympics, disruptions through the Wars, and also, anti-apartheid and cold war boycotts. Munich and Atlanta Olympics on the other hand encountered terrorism reshaping the security connotations forever (Burton, 2003). Hosting the Olympic Games requires a range actors and institutions to come together and the risk of management that such diversity brings with it is also considerable. While the rewards for the community remain high e.g., like being labeled an Olympic world class city the risks of failure are equally great both in the execution of the games, and the stigma that such failure may bring to the community, management and the government. Rationalizing, motivating and organizing remain key to risk control in addition to the unpredictable externalities that may impact such events (Ansell, 1997). In the next section I discuss the Risk from a perspective of distilling a typology that can closely approximate the numerous variables that associate with a mega event. There after I discuss Olympic risk in the specific context of Olympic Games and the games to be held in London in 2012. 2.2. Risk and Mega Events The idea of risk is very subjective and highly contingent on the situation and area in question. The understanding of risk as the probability of loss is very macro. This probability is sometimes complex to diagnose as the involved variables are subjective and the probability itself is to make it ambiguous-uncertain. Furthermore, risk is also a matter of significance and relative consequence that various negative influences bring upon an initiative or institution (Tannert et al, 2007). A discussion to arrive at a typology of risk that is comprehensive and suitable to be considered for mega event scenarios needs to start with Enterprise Risk Management (ERM). With its moorings in financial engineering of risk, ERM covers risk associated with all organisational and institutional silos whether insurance, financial or in general- operational issues. The detailed risk maps that inhabit the increased awareness about risk are now even more important especially in light of the externalities and unpredictable that have been re-emphasized in the aftermath of 9/11. These range from a risk typology that involves interest rates to even more subjective reputational risk aspects. Furthermore, risk is more associative and less silo-ed as the consequences ricochet for the whole organisation or institutional system that may comprise multiple organisational entities as in mega events – thus culminating into macro level strategic risk frame also (Ahlquist, 2003; Barnoff, 2004). Risk management can be seen at several levels in the case of institutional mechanisms (Quarantelli, 19988; Horlick-Jones et al.; 2001; Kunreuther et al. 1995; Tarlow, 2002): : Stemming from externalities with some predictability consensus associated with them. For instance, political-legal, economic, and also social Stemming from externalities with very less or no consensus on the predictability like natural calamities and terrorism (different from perceived likelihood. For instance, an act of terrorism may be likely but cannot really be predicted as against the earlier type!) Institutionalization and legacy risk Corporate/institutional risk that stems from integrating multiple parties into the management- decision frame. The challenge is to effectively work on negotiation and on the complex pattern of alignment of different stakeholder objectives. For instance, given multiple organisational systems that comprises institutional mechanisms for mega events. Reputational risk are a part of this risk in the main but also can stem from other types Operational risk -that could stem from supply chain management issues, sub-contracting issues, and work efficiency problems, among others. In the case of mega events another form of risk that has to do with the size and scope of the event, and is based on the premise that greater these are the more likely are the above likely to manifest themselves. This can be termed – ‘Event Complexity’ Risk (Ceniceros, 2001). Risk of managing information about risk is also an associated factor here. In the information age a lot of data is available on all risk related variables but this also makes the potential for complexity through multiple interpretations very likely. In the pursuit of information – intuition has lesser and lesser of a role to play. This becomes critical when the issue is of externalities with a low prediction quotient. 2.3. Risk at Olympic Games The idea of Olympism is ingrained in an institutional mechanism that integrates a legacy and numerous organisations when the legacy has to be taken forward in the form of other games. Beyond the exchanges and relationships that are contracted out to be economically meaningful the social, legacy and reputational aspects impart a â€Å"common meaning system† (Scott, 1995: 56). By extension the implications of risk become even more nuanced for Olympic Games. In part, because the baggage of ideology and thus the expectations being immense –more than probably any other mega event on the planet. The following snippets that emphasize this ‘expectation assertion’ and thus reflect not only on the nuanced nature of risk but also the risk of failure: The Olympic Games are subject to a most complex web of risk variables given the scope and expectations discussed so far. The categories of risk discussed in the previous section apply, and the aspect of ‘event complexity risk’ (Ceniceros, 2001) discussed before amplifies them in the context of Olympics. The legacy of Olympics marked by manifestation of externalities, strategic and operational issues all come together to shape an ever increasing concern for ‘things that can go wrong’ The Olympic Games are staged in collaboration with a given city. The consequences of how risk is managed are thus most important for the city and its people. The ramifications of course are nationwide. The connection is depicted in the naming of the Olympic Games Berlin 1936; Los Angeles 1984; Sydney 2000 et al.– it is the city that is associated with operationalisation of the Games, and also has its own mascot, emblem et al. The communities both in administration and in public domain of host cities provide for the direction to the initiative in the specificities of control that are given to a city. It is this localized application of the global and time established mandate of Olympics that initiates the formation strategies, operations , delivery mechanisms and the relationships that comprise them within the host city and beyond it also. Finally, in turn, this impacts the host city and all stakeholders beyond and within its frame of reference through the performance of the Games and the legacy the Games leave behind (Burbank, 2001). In the run to London 2012 risk management has become a much codified and dwelled upon feature. However political lobbying and public sentiments some times take attention away from it. For instance, during the bidding evaluation process the London transport system was seen as having serious problems by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) – this was given a back seat in subsequent evaluation exercise. While provisions for risk are formally made as for the 2012 games, the provisions are but only token in light of the heightened risks of terrorism. Athens 2004 in particular -was also marked by delayed, rather ‘dangerously just in time’ completion of facilities. The experience has resulted in the Olympic Delivery Authority (ODA) imposing a master schedule that supervised ongoing progress (Burbank, 2001; Jennings, 2006). Sponsors and license fees are a key component of revenues and in light of the failure to adequately protect these in Atlanta 1996, Sydney 2000 saw innovative strategies in place and the learning has continued to shape the delivery mechanism of the London 2012. Lessons from the past improve the delivery mechanism and the risk management apparatus, changing times require innovation to be continuous- proactive and not only in response to problems and failures of the past (Hamel, 1996). Increasingly most of the investment that is to help host the games is sold to the taxpayer as additional benefits or infrastructure improvements that would occur irrespective of winning the bid to host the games. Besides moderating most internal political and fiscal discontentment, this also contributes to ‘planning of a lasting tangible legacy’. This is one of the seven key risk areas identified by the House of Commons Committee of Public accounts (July, 2007). This list that highlights both the generic and specific concerns is adapted from the report with excerpts of comments from the House of Commons highlighting the nature of concern. It is important to note that many operational facets especially security span several of these listed areas like for instance ‘Coordination of the multiplicity of organizations and groups involved in the Games’ and ‘Delivering the Games against an immovable deadline’ among othersHouse of Commons (2007) The delivery of the London Olympic Games 2012 has been configured around two new bodies the Olympic Delivery Authority (ODA), and the London Organizing Committee of the Olympic Games and Paralympics Games (LOCOG)- the former providing facilities, and the latter, staging the games. These bodies are supervised by the Olympic Board, and the Department for Culture, Media and Sport that comprises the Government Olympic. The number of bodies that link up to provide services feed into a complex supply chain which is not easily comprehendible but the delivery mechanism can be seen as follows: The complexity of the delivery mechanism and the even more nuanced supply chain has a knock on effect on the other listed factors- for example the timely delivery aspect is contingent upon the effectiveness of co-ordination. The timescale from securing the bid to eventual hosting is quite big- the resultant inflation and unpredictable external factors affect budgetary issues. On the other hand, the contractual procedures required to say for instance, harness fresh private sector funds make it cumbersome to source then with such re-estimates. One example of changing circumstances is heightened security risks that may also require re-estimates. The lottery money that is going into 2012 is being diverted from other just causes and such resource re-direction needs to come good in the future from surpluses created by the impetus of the games. Having a structured approach to supply chain management and recognizing the extensive processes that will be required to facilitate construction and reworks for instance- are key to effective management. Monitoring of progress via a steering group will help keep a check on the various cogs of the complex machine that also stems from the ‘master schedule’ requirement mentioned before (Jennings,2006). The lasting legacy issue is about reuse and sustainable orientation of facilities and infrastructural developments to generate a source of income over life. This is key to realizing long terms benefits from the impetus of the games. The discussion on the above that leads from the typology provided also suggests as range of micro factors that need to be put in context. As later in this dissertation – these micro factors that lie within the ambit of the typology are crucial to examine shortcomings and recommendations from web based archived publications. These micro risk areas can be listed as follows as mainly from the above discussion: Scheduling (the preparation flow from award of the games to being ready comfortably and in time) Infrastructure Quality (the quality of facilities and how customized they are to delivering the games) Sponsorship (a resource bracket that is not only about monetary issues but also to a degree about sanction) Licensing issues (the arrangements to appropriate services and rents) Security (issues to do with management of crowds in the old days now primarily about terrorism) Legacy (the impressionistic statements the Games make on the city-nation and the Games themselves) Resource opportunity cost (in light of other good causes) Coordination (in delivery) Extant literature that has dwelled on shortcomings and recommendations across some of these areas hints at resourcing, sanction from top and public support as driving variables towards addressing shortcomings related to the aforesaid areas. Toohey and Taylor (2007) for instance, have highlighted the role of public sentiments in shaping response to threats of terrorism. The impact of how fear, anger, optimism, and pessimism as attributes of such sentiment translate into the public ‘buying in’ to the organisers claims about the efficacy of security, were key as per their empirical analysis. In the risk management area the need for ‘special events to have special risk management’ mandates (Ceniceros, 2001) is propounded explicitly or implicitly in most literature. Such literature highlights the ‘event complexity’ issue that is a part of the typology propounded in this review based on literature. What such research also suggests is the need to be very explicit in fleshing out risk variables no matter how unconventional they may appear (McGee, 2006; Roche, 2006). The unconventionality is what has required me to distill a novel framework in typology and in micro areas in this literature review – to be examined and validated in the later chapters In the subsequent chapters I examine the Risk associated with Olympic Games. This is done in two complementary ways. I examine the perceptions about risk in recent past through a methodologically embedded analysis and then draw implications largely in context of the prospective frame London Olympics 2012. While the former provides for a perspective on relative criticality of risk areas, and how shortcomings and recommendations associated with it are tabled the latter provides a platform to contextualize the findings. In the parts of the dissertation to follow -data sources for this analysis and a detailed methodology are provided prior to analysis and findings of the study. Chapter 3. Approach Methodology 3.1. Introduction This dissertation is based on secondary data sources. Web based archival documents, and also literature that provides narratives of different Olympic Games have been used. In some cases, references to changes in the delivery mechanism in the aftermath of a critical incident in the preceding games, form basis to reflect on the genesis of approaches to risk management. In others, which are a majority, author perception and orientation are taken as an indicator of the risk and shortcomings of risk management at the mega events of Olympic Games. A detailed methodology as described and illustrated in this chapter tries to work on these in a robust manner. The listed areas of risk in general for mega events and contextualised to London 2012 games in the literature review- are taken as the bedrock to flesh out different factors that associate with each area. There are overlapping and micro factors like private funds generation, contractual arrangement for physical assets and security- but these have been worked at in an aggregated manner under the risk typology proposed. Some specific discussion on these follows under the findings section but the focus remains to generate a holistic risk perspective as per the research questions of this dissertation. An analysis based on web based published material using content analysis or textual analysis (as archival text is the frame of reference) informs this dissertation. This is on a sample of articles in leading newspapers and periodicals on Olympics Games. The content analysis technique will make use of phrases, concepts, and their meaning to elucidate which are prime areas relating to risk concern and how the related factors are perceived. There is an opportunity to see cultural variations not only over time but over samples that belong to different parts of the world but the lack in spread in articles has defeated this additional objective – not affecting the addressal of the research questions. Textual analysis bases itself on the extent of occurrence and also on the implied meaning as in opinions voiced and intended (Lecompte et al., 1992). The data codes generated have been processed using statistical tools as described later in the chapter. As stated, after presenting the r esearch findings in the chapter to follow, the relative criticality of risk factors is discussed primarily in light of London 2012 and mega events in general later in this dissertation. 3.2. Data The sample of popular newspaper and periodical articles under content-textual analysis was expected to be about 50 over the last five years, given that we need to examine contemporary- relative importance of risk areas and factors. I have been able to locate 51 articles that are of relevance after going through nearly 200 articles to generate this shortlist. The sampling can thus be classified as judgmental. As mentioned, a regional classification was also intended but lack of articles that were comparable from the Asian and African perspective did not allow for this. The popularity weighing has also been done away with given this modification in selection criteria brought upon by access and availability issues – new criteria drawing to some degree on discourse architecture by a lead thinker in the field of semiotics- Foucault as described later is used for assigning weights. Archival information from the House of Commons Committee of Public accounts (HC) is available and upda ted version(s) have been used to support the comparison between content analysis findings and the risk assessment schema that exists. Though the Beijing games in 2008 were kept out of the frame of reference as material on these was rather limited, and also because the prospective frame was intended to be the London Olympics- some articles inevitably referred to the forthcoming Beijing Games as well. 3.3. Textual Analysis Textual analysis is a form of content analysis where archival text is the platform for distilling meanings and implications. This includes online material. The analyses includes a perspective on the ‘intended’ vs. the ‘visible’ meanings and also the environment and players who enact the ‘transaction’ of the message.(Babbie, 1997). Textual analysis thus works in a frame of reference that seems to stem from ‘Semiotics’ of the study of meanings ( Bignell, 1997), is key to understanding such analytical approach. This is profiled here to draw on concepts that can be reflected in coding of the textual data. Roland Barthes (1915-1980) is the first key thinker here of course building upon the basics of semiotics propounded by Saussure (Barthes, 1954, 1967, 1975). He speaks of certain levels at which meanings are pegged – the explicit sign actually indicates a deeper meaning or implication. Among many others’ Michael Foucault is another important thinker – his views on the ‘context’ and the manner in which ‘discourse’ gets shaped both across time and within a given situation at a point in time have been much cited (Groden Kreiswirth 1994). 3.4. Methods in Analyses From the preceding discussion it can be summarised that the following are useful in setting out works for textual analysis: (Barthes amongst others) – looking at deeper meanings (Foucault) – looking at lineage and moorings support from past expressions The characteristics of the web based published articles are as below for profiling the analysis to give a snapshot of how the analysis has been conducted They are a form of written text that arise both in response to previous postings and also independently in context of a phenomenon or event. To this extends the signs can be primary or secondary. For instance, critiquing claims about the efficacy of arrangements at the proposed game or just objectively stating the resource input into risk management and the claims about how these are going to affect the games They can be quasi –primary signs at a particular point in time as they may refer not directly to the event but follow a line of thought from previous events that had temporarily terminated in the past. So signs can manifest themselves in dormant forms till they are called into play again. For instance, semblance to arrangements in Olympic games that were held far in the past So going back to our classification of risk in the preceding chapter: Stemming from externalities with some predictability associated with them. For instance, political-legal, economic, and also social Stemming from externalities with very less or no consensus on the predictability like natural calamities and terrorism (as argued before : a likelihood there but prediction is not possible) Institutionalization and legacy risk Corporate/institutional risk that stems from integrating multiple parties into the management- decision frame. The challenge is to effectively work on negotiation and on the complex pattern of alignment of different stakeholder objectives. For instance, given multiple organisational systems that comprises institutional mechanisms for mega events. Reputational risk are a part of this risk in the main but also can stem from other types Operational risk that could stem from supply chain management issues, sub-contracting issues, and work efficiency problems In the case of mega events another form of risk that has to do with the size and scope of the event, and is based on the premise that greater these are the more likely are the above likely to manifest themselves. This can be termed – ‘Event Complexity’ Risk Demonstrating analyses for coding: I will take snippets (some parts of articles) from the postings used and reflect on them. From the discussion presented, in the main, I will keep in mind the base concepts of Semiotics as by Saussure, extended by Barthes and the explanation provided by Foucault that discontinuity and lineage are characteristic of every discursive statement or published text. Here I explain how the article has been looked at to draw coding for analyses. The source URL article produced here which is by Sally Jenkins in the Washington Post. Only some parts of the article are reproduced below as in quotes italics for this demonstration purpose. â€Å"†¦.The thing to do with the Athens Games is to believe in them until were absolutely forced not to. Anyone who has a chance to go to the Olympics is asking themselves a plain question: Is the trip worth it? The answer is plainly, yes, if only because of a principle best expressed in The Greek Way, by Edith Hamilton. She wrote something that all American athletes should take note of: Civilization, a much abused word, stands for a high matter quite apart from telephones and electric lights†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.This could be the motto of the Athens Games, given the delays in finishing stadiums, roads, and other infrastructure, and the explosion of three small bombs in the last two weeks. Nevertheless, its not a bad lesson, and its one that the more cosseted American athletes could use. In fact, maybe we could all do with some Greek culture†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. †¦..Neither apparently do modern Greeks. Eighty percent of Greeks recently polled said they believe some kind of attack is inevitable. Fifty-two percent of Americans believe an attack is likely. U.S. Sen. Jon Kyle (R-Ariz.), the chairman of the Senate committee on terrorism, said the safest place to watch the Olympics is at home on television†¦.. †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦To date, no American athlete has withdrawn from the Games specifically because of security. But an NBA player is your best bet. The players are definitely concerned, Jermaine ONeal, the Indiana Pacers forward and a member of the U.S. team, told the Associated Press. Not even the Queen Mary seems to console Ray Allen, who cited the USS Cole, the American destroyer that was attacked by al-Qaeda in October 2002 and lost 17 sailors. The only thing I can think of, Allen said, is the battleship that got blown up†¦ †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Hamilton wrote, For a hundred years Athens was a city where the great spiritual forces that war in mens minds flowed along together in peace; law and freedom, truth and religion, beauty and goodness, the objective and the subjective there was a truce to their eternal warfare and the result was the balance and clarity, the harmony and completeness, the word Greek has come to stand for . . . and in all Greek art there is an absence of struggle, a reconciling power, something of calm and serenity, the world has yet to see again. Or as an ancient poem says, Greece and her foundations are . . . built below the tide of war†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..† Source: When It Comes to Athens Youve Got to Be

Reducing Juvenile Delinquency Essay examples -- Papers Teen Crime Essa

The current statistics of juvenile delinquency are astounding. I will look at the most recent statistics and a few of the programs implemented to reduce or prevent delinquency. Before delving too deep into juvenile delinquency, it is important to consider the definitions of "juvenile" and "delinquent". The Merriam-Webster Dictionary gives two definitions of "juvenile": 1. Showing incomplete development, and 2. A young person; one below the legally established age of adulthood (1997). Merriam-Webster defines "delinquent" as: offending by neglect or violation of duty or law (1997). As a complete definition of juvenile delinquent it is safe to repeat "a person below the established age of adulthood that offends by neglect or violation of duty or law (1997)". The history of juvenile delinquency had harsh beginnings. Children were viewed as non-persons until the 1700's(Rice 1995). They did not receive special treatment or recognition. Discipline then is what we now call abuse. It was believed that life was hard, and you had to be hard to survive. The people of that time in history did not have the conveniences that we take for granted. For example, the medical practices of that day were primitive in comparison to present-day medicine. Marriages were more for convenience, rather than for childbearing or romance. The infant and child mortality rate was also very high. It did not make sense to the parents in those days to create an emotional bond with children when there was a strong chance that the children would not survive until adulthood (1995). At the end of the 18th century, "The Enlightenment" appeared as a new cultural transition. People began to see children as flowers, who needed nurturing in order to ... ...s. Massachusetts: Allyn and Bacon. Galaway, B., et al. (1995). Specialized foster family care for delinquent youth. Federal Probation 59 (March): 19-27. Greenwood, P., & Turner, S. (1993). Evaluation of the Paint Creek Youth Center: a residential program for serious delinquents. Criminology 31 (May): 19-27. Haghighi, B., & Lopez, A. (1993). Success/Failure of group home treatment Programs for juveniles. Federal Probation 57 (Sept): 53-58. McNeece, C., & Roberts, A. (1997). Policy & Practice in the Justice System. Chicago: Nelson-Hall Publishers. Mish, F. (Ed.). (1997). Merriam-Webster Dictionary. Massachusetts: Merriam- Webster Incorporated. Wilber, S. (1998) Can Prevention Programs Stem the Tide of Delinquency? 3 (3), pp. 3. Retrieved March 5, 2000 from EBSCO database (MUONLINE) on the World Wide Web: http://www.ebsco.com

Euthanasia Essay - Artificial Life or Natural Death? :: Euthanasia Physician Assisted Suicide

Artificial Life or Natural Death? Euthanasia has been a hotly debated about topic for the past couple of decades, but has recently been thrust into the limelight by many controversial court and hospital decisions. Euthanasia is defined as the "mercy killing" of a person who is brain dead, terminally ill or otherwise at death's door. This usually, but not necessarily, affects people who are are separated from death only by machines. Whether you personally believe "mercy killing" is a viable solution in a hopeless situation or not the proponents for both sides provide arguments that can be quite convincing. Supporters of euthanasia say that it is such an improbability for a miraculous recovery and a return to a normal life that it is not worth putting the patient through all the suffering and agony that prolonging their life would cause or the fortune of hospital bills that you would pay. The opposition feels that it is not right for people to abandon other members of the human race because there is always a chance, even though it is a small one, that they will regain all functons and return to a normal life. There are many cases in which euthanasia is acceptable. Brain death is one situation which merits euthanasia. It is also one of the more common cases where euthanasia is requested. Brain death is when all brain activities cease. The lines are fairly well drawn in the law about patients who are suffering but are still compotent, but when the law is asked to determine the fate of a lingering, comatose, incompotent patient the lines begin to blur. In many cases the courts turned to the patient's family, but what if there are not any or they disagree? In such cases who decides? In a controversial decision a Massachusetts court allowed that it would invoke its own "substitute judgement" on behalf of a mentally ill woman. In a second case mentioned in the January 7 issue of Newsweek, a Minnesota Surpreme court turned to three hospital ethics committees to review a dying loner's case, followed their collected wisdom and ordered him off the respirator so that he could have a dignified death. "It is

Fathers Have Few Rights in Washington State Essay example -- Argumenta

During a child’s early years he/she establishes parental bonds which will influence the rest of his/her life. However, in Washington few children will realize this bonding with their fathers. In fact, the evidence is clear, census reports, court records, and statements from the people of Washington themselves all point to a State biased against fathers. Unfortunately, this bias extends beyond just the courts, even beyond state run agencies like DSHS; this behavior runs rampant through our very streets. We, as citizens, partisans, and voters of Washington State have been given the impression, through media outlets, feminist organizations, and movies that mothers simply make better parents. In reality, there is another side of the story, one which we rarely saw or heard, until now. The other side of the story starts in the early 90’s. 1991 census reports, less than 20% of all custodial-parents were children’s biological fathers. When asking why, one could look to SPARC an online resource for men which reports 50% of all mothers admitted to seeing no benefits being provided by fathers; and 40% of all mothers admitted to interfering with the father’s visits as punishment. Taken together, these statistics portray a picture of men as providers, and incapable of being nurturing parents (SPARC). According to Cohn, Alvin W. based on census reports, infant fatalities decreased, general living conditions for juveniles had seen a substantial increase, and single father homes also increased between 1991 and 2001. These particular increases portray that fathers, in contrast to popular belief, are capable of providing nurturing stable homes for their children, possibly even more so then mothers. However, today, based on the WSCCR (Washingt... ...gov/wsccr/docs/ResidentialTimeSummaryReport2010.pdf† Bleckblog, Anonymous, â€Å"Fathers rights endangered in Washington Stateâ€Å", Sun, 05/31/2009 - 22:20 â€Å"http://bleckblog.org/comp/node/3400† Alan Booth, Mindy E. Scott, and Valarie King â€Å"FATHER RESIDENCE AND ADOLESCENT PROBLEM BEHAVIOR: ARE YOUTH ALWAYS BETTER OFF IN TWO-PARENT FAMIIES?† Columnist, Tabitha S. "Labors of Love: Trying to make Marriages Work." Seattle Post - Intelligencer: A.17.Washington State Newsstand. Apr 07 1995. Web. 29 Sep. 2011 Thompson, Bankole, â€Å"Fathers, step up† Michigan Times, 6/13/07 Mike Mccormick â€Å"Obama's Responsible Fatherhood Bill--Not Enough Carrot, Too Much Stick† the Buffalo News, 6/30/07 Mike Mccormick and Glenn Sacks â€Å"Protect Fathers' Loving Bonds with Their Childrenâ€Å", Web, 1 October, 2011, http://acfc.convio.net/site/DocServer/Protect_Fathers_Article_June_18_2008.pdf?docID=1521

Crowd Behaviour Essay

People are likely to act in bizarre ways in a crowd compared to as an individual. A crowd can be defined as a set of individuals who share a common social identification of themselves in terms of that crowd. Crowd members should also share common goals and act in a coherent member (Reicher, 2008). There have been extensive amounts of research into crowd psychology, investigating the apparent causes and reasons for such behaviour to occur. Many different theories exist to attempt to explain why people fall into this interesting state of social influence when they are in crowds. This essay will attempt to investigate how we might best explain crowd behaviour. Le Bon’s (1896) early attempt to explain this phenomenon suggested that crowd behaviours are pathological and abnormal, where people are reduced to a primitive or instinctive mode of behaviour. This theory proposes that feelings of anonymity cause people in a crowd to lose their sense of self and responsibility and act in ways that stem from a ‘group mind’. Through this group mind people are freed from social norms and natural animal instincts are released causing riots and irrational violence. However, since the initial suggestion of the ‘group mind’, this theory has been largely rejected. The main reasoning for this being that the theory does not acknowledge the importance of power in crowd behaviours, which appears to be a key factor in collective behaviour. One speculation that remains important from Le Bon’s group mind theory is that the feeling of crowd anonymity appears to be influential in creating various subsequent theories to explain crowd behaviour, such as the theory of deindividuation. However, the rejection of the group mind does not mean that we should then reject the study of group processes as groups have distinctive properties from individual behaviour. Instead, we should begin to look at group processes with a different perspective. Tajfel (1970) claims that all social behaviour falls on a continuum that spans from interpersonal to intergroup behaviour. Intergroup behaviour is defined with these three criteria: the presence of two distinct groups, low variability in attitudes and behaviour of group members, and low variability in one person’s attitudes to group members.  This helps to explain this readiness in which a person can switch from one view of someone to another (e.g. saying all catholics are bad people, and then going on to say the neighbor (who is a catholic) is such a lovely person). This can arise because when you become part of a group you start to see people as a category not as individuals. The theory of Deindividuation (Deiner, 1976; and Zimbardo, 2007) followed on to these early speculations. The model states that when surrounded by others in a crowd people lose self-awareness. Consequently, people become more susceptible to external cues and to the groups motives and emotions. Ultimately, these factors may lead group members to engage in unsocial and possibly antisocial behaviours. According to Zimbardo, being part of a large group can create a sense of anonymity and diffuses personal responsibility throughout the group for the consequences of one’s actions. This can lead to the loss of identity and a reduced concern for social evaluation. Behaviour resulting can then be impulsive and irrational as there are different set ‘normal’ social and personal norms. Zimbardo’s electric shock experiment gives support to the deindividuation theory, providing evidence that the mean duration of the shock administered by deindividuated participants (they were wearing a coat and a hood to increase anonymity) was nearly twice as long than that of the people who retained their individual identities. Further research also suggests that this sense of anonymity is increased as the size of the group increases and also increases in darker conditions. For example: the violent crowd in the Bristol riots, as darkness fell, violence escalated thus increasing the anonymity of the crowd members. Research by Jaffe and Yinon (1979) compared the mean intensity of shock administered by individuals with that administered by participants in groups of three. As they predicted, those who participated in groups consistently gave much stronger ‘shocks’ than those acting on their own giving evidence for the idea that the sense of anonymity increases with the size of the group. However, some research disagrees that increased anonymity leads to increases antisocial and aggressive behaviour. Some argue that deindividuation and anonymity may in fact result in decreased aggression and improved group relations, indicating that these antisocial behaviours may not be automatic or inevitable consequences of anonymity. Despite much of the early literature proposing that deindividuation factors such as anonymity, loss of self-awareness and group size are associated with antisocial and aggressive behaviours, some more recent findings suggest that deindividuation influences are often sometimes related to increases in pro-social normative behaviour. Zimbardo (1969) provides support for this criticism of the deindividuation theory, having participants either dress in KKK cloaks, or a nurse uniform in an electric shock learning experiment. Results showed that those wearing the nurse uniform chose to reduce the level of shocks administered, and especially in the deindividuated conditions – the person wearing no name tag. In fact, deindividuation by itself did not increase aggression significantly, even for those wearing the KKK outfit. These findings have an influential effect on the understanding of group behaviour as they show that being in a group does not necessarily lead to destructive, antiso cial behaviour as Zimbardo implied. It seems that crowd behaviour often tends to depend on the situation and how salient the norms are. Given the previous literature, Diener (1980) argues that the main factor in crowd behaviour is determined by a loss of self-awareness. He then suggests that factors present in crowd situations such as cohesion and anonymity, can lead people to focus their attention outwards and less on themselves and on personal standards. As a result, people’s behaviour becomes less self-regulated and more determined by immediate cues and norms present in groups around them. Subsequently, these cues will not always direct violence, but will vary across different situations. The literature also fails to consider the context of behaviour or to distinguish anonymity when someone is in a group from anonymity when they are alone. In addition, members of a crowd are barely ever truly anonymous; as individuals identities are often known to other members of the crowd, and they therefore only will appear anonymous to outsiders of the crowd. People often gain a sense of pride rioting together in a group, such as supporters of the same team at a football match, which is far from losing their identities. All of the previous models focus on what is lost when part of a crowd – loss of identity, loss of individuality, and loss of self-awareness. This perspective of understanding group behaviour is a negative and highly  unproductive way to think about collective behaviour; it would be much more productive to think about change (Reicher et al., 1995). Reicher’s research into crowd behaviour has come up with three important features of crowd situations. Firstly, crowds nearly always involve more than one group. This intergroup factor has been essentially ignored in the previous literature for crowd behaviour since the group mind fallacy. Secondly, he suggests that people do not become anonymous, but take on a new identity in a crowd. Reicher (1984) studied vivosection attitudes in Science and Social Science students, with science students generally being more PRO and social sciences students more ANTI. In each category, half of the students were made aware of group membership (e.g. seated together, reffered to as groups, wore KKK membership clothing, etc). Attitudes of Science students became more pro-vivosection and social science students become more anti-vivosection. These findings oppose Deiners theory that deindividuation leads to a loss of self-regulation and gives support to Reicher’s view that you don’t lose your identity in a group based situation, but your identity changes to fall in line with group norms. This follows on from Turners (1983) suggestion of the distinction between personal and social aspects of the self. There is a shift along the interpersonal group continuum from personal identity to social identity. There is then a change in what is seen as the appropriate standard of behaviour. These standards of behaviour and norms are now determined by the group’s social identity rather than by personal or environmental factors. This can help to understand why the behaviour of rioters and police can be so different, when they are exposed to the same stimuli, for when they adopt their respective identities they become influenced by very different goals and social norms. This shows that when a person becomes part of a crowd or group, their social identity as a group member becomes more important and their individual identity becomes less important. Although people may sometimes lose some sense of their identity at times, they will often adopt a stronger sense of their social identity as a member of that particular group. Crowd behaviour, according to Reicher, therefore involves a change rather than a loss of identity. Reicher’s new theory of  crowd behaviour raised four issues that do not fall in line with Deiner’s deindividuation theory. 1. Although crowd behaviour is violent, it is often under control at the same time. 2. Crowds are not always anonymous. 3. Though people are previously suggested to lose self-awareness in crowds and thus respond to cues in particular situations, how come people will respond differently? 4. If crowd behaviour leads to a loss in identity, how come a sense of pride often results from crowd interaction? When Reicher (1987) interviewed people who were part of the St Paul’s riots he received some interesting feedback such as â€Å"we feel great, we feel confident it was a vic tory† and â€Å"You were grinning at everybody, because everyone was from St Paul’s†. These statements provide evidence that those feelings of anonymity and a suggested loss of identity in groups are not present when people are successful in their groups perhaps gaining a sense of pride in their group and coming together to celebrate. To conclude, there are three important points that I would like to reiterate. Firstly, Zimbardo’s pessimism about groups is seemingly unjustified with much evidence pointing in the opposite direction. Depending on each particular situation and the norms that are important in each, behaviour can become either pro-social or anti-social in crowd environments. Though where Zimbardo does seem to be right is that people’s behaviour in a group situation can become much more extreme than how they would behave on their own. The second point is that people’s behaviour in crowds does not always worsen. Support from both Zimbardo and Deiner suggest that in groups people are subjected to a loss of identity and loss of control. However, Reicher’s more recent research into crowd behaviour suggests that this idea is mistaken. It has been shown that people’s behaviour is still in control, yet by different psychological processes. Groups seem to have a common goal in mind in acting as they do, and also that their actions are often motivated by identification with some group. Finally, when viewing group behaviour from an intergroup perspective, the goal and identity directed aspects of collective behaviour are more evident. In almost every situation of crowd behaviour, it is possible to determine an out-group, which will play an important role in the actions of the crowd. Overall, there are many different crowd psychology theories, some of which explain different aspects of crowd behaviour. However, research gives much support to the use of intergroup perspective rather than interpersonal theories to explain this phenomenon. References Diener, E. (1976). Effects of prior destructive behavior, anonymity, an group presence on deindividuation and aggression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 33, 497-507. Diener, E. (1980). Deindividuation, self-awareness, and disinhibition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37, 1160-1171. Le Bon, G. (1947). The Crowd: a study of the popular mind. London: Ernest Benn. Reicher, S. D., Spears, R. and Postmes, T. (1995). A social identity model of deindividuation phenomena. European Review of Social Psychology, 6, 161-198. Reicher, S. D. (1984b). The St. Pauls’ Riot: An explanation of the limits of crowd action in terms of a social identity model. European Journal of Social Psychology, 14, 1-21. Reicher, S. D. (2008). The Psychology of Crowd Dynamics. Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Group Processess, 9, 151-168 Tafjel, H. (1970). Experiments in intergroup discrimination. Scientijic American, 223, 96102. Turner, J. C. (1983). Some comments on ‘the measurement of social orientations in the minimal group paradigm’. European Journal of Social Psychology, 13, 351-368 Zimbardo, P. G. (1969). The Human Choice: Individuation, reason, and order versus Deindividuation, impulse and chaos. Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 17, 237-307